The gap nobody is filling.
First Amendment auditing works. An auditor walks into a public space, films what they see, and when a government employee violates their constitutional rights on camera — blocks the lens, demands ID without legal basis, retaliates for recording — the evidence is unambiguous. Civil rights claims settle. Departments pay. Officers face consequences they'd otherwise avoid entirely.
The mechanism is real. The problem is capital. Between the violation and the settlement check, auditors need to survive. Equipment. Travel. Living expenses. Legal fees. Most settlements take 12 to 24 months. Most auditors aren't independently wealthy. Most stop before they build a track record.
Believe in the mission. Have careers, families, lives. Won't do it themselves.
Have the time, the knowledge, the constitution. Don't have the capital to sustain themselves between violations and settlements.
Know exactly what cases are worth funding. Barred from soliciting or bankrolling litigation under champerty and barratry rules. Can't build this themselves.
Nonprofit. Slow. Selective. Politically constrained. Not built for this volume of work.
The gap is structural. It won't fill itself. Every month it stays open is another disciplined auditor who stops — not because the law didn't protect them, but because the bills didn't wait.
Performance-only funding. No settlement, no payment.
The model is not new. Litigation finance has operated legally in civil suits for years. What's new is the application — pointed specifically at First Amendment auditing, where the camera provides binary, unambiguous performance verification that standard litigation finance can't get elsewhere.
Identify qualified auditors
Auditors with demonstrated constitutional knowledge, professional conduct on camera, and a track record of clean, documented violations. Discipline and legal accuracy are the filter — not personality.
Advance operating capital
The funding entity covers living expenses, equipment, and travel between violations and settlement. The auditor can operate without needing to hold a day job that competes with the work.
Recover from settlement proceeds
When the case settles, the advance is recovered first. The funding entity takes a negotiated cut of the net proceeds. The auditor keeps the remainder.
No settlement = no payment to either party
The incentive structure handles quality control automatically. Auditors who escalate unnecessarily, don't know the law, or blow cases on technicalities don't produce settlements. They don't survive the filter. No vetting overhead required — the model selects for discipline over time.
Why the camera changes the math: Standard litigation finance deals with ambiguous outcomes — liability is contested, evidence is interpretive, juries are unpredictable. First Amendment auditing generates video evidence of the violation in real time. The camera is the performance verification mechanism. Either there's a clean, documented constitutional violation that settles, or there isn't.
Civil rights attorneys can invest. Here's how.
The most obvious people to fund this model are the people who identified the gap — civil rights attorneys who see strong cases walk out the door because the auditor couldn't sustain themselves long enough to file. Bar association rules prevent attorneys from soliciting or bankrolling litigation. But they don't prevent passive investment in a funding entity that operates independently.
The clean structure
A civil rights attorney invests passively in the funding entity as a capital partner taking returns like any investor — provided they meet a clean set of conditions.
They do not direct which cases get funded. They do not select or recruit auditors. They do not advise auditors on legal strategy. They remain completely hands off operationally.
Their motivation: mission alignment plus financial return. Their knowledge identified the gap. The entity fills it. They profit without crossing bar association ethical lines.
This eliminates the need for large startup capital from non-legal investors. The attorney brings the money. An operator brings the model, the operational structure, and the auditor pipeline. Both hold equity positions reflecting their contributions. The MVP is one attorney, one proven auditor, one clean settlement — enough to prove the model and attract the next round.
The idea is the contribution. Take it.
The business model here is not novel. Litigation finance exists. Subcontractor performance structures exist. What's novel is the application — pointed at First Amendment auditing as a funded, scalable, replicable operation that doesn't require political will, legislative action, or institutional cooperation to work.
"One entity executing this model is a business. One hundred entities executing this model across every major city simultaneously is an industry — and an industry is what actually moves municipal budgets to the point where police reform becomes a financial survival issue rather than a political preference."
The goal is not to own the model. The goal is to make it spread faster than any one person could scale it. This site exists to give the idea to every attorney, investor, and auditor who has felt the problem without having the framework. The people who need this are already looking for something exactly like it.
No company. No product. No pitch. No ownership claim. Just the idea — clearly articulated, legally grounded, free to use.
The lever is always financial. History is clear on this.
Moral arguments prime the culture. They matter. They build the public sentiment that makes legal and financial mechanisms politically survivable. But institutions do not change because someone made a compelling argument. Institutions change when the wrong behavior becomes more expensive than the right behavior.
| The issue | What moved it |
|---|---|
| Slavery | Ended fastest where it became economically unviable. Moral opposition existed for generations before that. |
| ADA compliance | A generation of litigation made non-compliance more expensive than building ramps. Conscience didn't move it. Cost did. |
| Big Tobacco | Decades of moral argument moved nothing. One generation of litigation bankrupted them into settlement. The lever was financial. |
| Seatbelts | The insurance industry pushed it because payouts were killing them. Safety wasn't the argument that moved policy. Money was. |
| Police reform | Currently stuck at the moral argument stage. The financial mechanism is missing. This model builds it. |
Most reform efforts ask the powerful to voluntarily constrain themselves out of conscience. The historical success rate of that approach at institutional scale is close to zero. This model doesn't ask for anything. It makes unconstitutional conduct systematically more expensive — across every jurisdiction where a funded auditor operates — until the cost-benefit math flips inside the municipalities themselves.
No cooperation required. No political will required. No conscience required.
How this grows from one case to an industry.
| Phase | What happens | What it proves |
|---|---|---|
| MVP | One attorney investor. One proven auditor. One clean settlement. | The model works. Capital cycles. The incentive structure selects for discipline. |
| Early | Tiered advance structure — small first case, larger advances as track record builds. Fund 3–5 auditors simultaneously. | Portfolio logic: fast settlements fund slow ones. Capital doesn't sit idle. |
| Growth | 10+ auditors across multiple jurisdictions. Each fund is independently operated — no central control required. | The model is copyable. One hundred versions of this, simultaneously, in every major city. |
| Industry | Municipal legal budgets face systematic pressure from an entire funding industry operating in parallel across jurisdictions. | Reform becomes a financial survival question. The political argument becomes irrelevant. |
Three people need to find each other.
The model requires three participants. None of them are hard to find. They're already operating in the same ecosystem without a structure that connects them. This site is that structure.
You know the law. You document violations cleanly. You need capital to keep going.
If you have a track record of documented violations and professional, legally accurate conduct on camera, this model was built for you. The advance covers the gap between the violation and the settlement. Your discipline is the only qualification that matters.
You see strong cases walk out the door. You can't fund them yourself — but you can invest.
Passive investment in a funding entity — fully hands off, no case direction, no auditor recruitment — is the clean path. You get financial return on the mission you already believe in. Get a formal ethics opinion from bar counsel first. Do not skip that step.
You have capital and mission alignment. The return is financial and constitutional.
Every dollar of return came from a government entity that violated someone's constitutional rights on camera and got caught. The profit is the accountability mechanism. This is what clean money looks like.
This site has no intake form. No company behind it. No investor pitch. If you're an auditor, an attorney, or an investor who sees this clearly and wants to build it — the model is above. The legal framework is documented. The risks are named. Find the other people who see it. Build the MVP. Prove it once.
The idea does the rest.
Full transparency. No institution. No agenda.
How this started.
I watched a YouTube short about a motorcyclist getting tackled off his bike by two armed, armored officers over a missing tag. I went down the rabbit hole — qualified immunity, the reasonableness standard, why juries never see these cases. By the end of the conversation I was staring at a funding model that nobody had built and couldn't figure out why.
Turns out the people who understand the gap best are barred from filling it. Civil rights attorneys can't fund the auditors. Civil rights organizations are too slow and too selective. Investors with mission alignment don't know where to plug in. The auditors themselves are grinding on fumes between violations and settlements.
The model isn't complicated. The idea just needed to exist somewhere.
Who I am.
My name is Daniel Coleman. I'm the founder of Osiris Infrastructure — we build revenue and operational infrastructure for specialty businesses in Texas. Before that I built and sold Coleman Electric. I'm not a lawyer, not an activist, not an academic. I'm a builder who saw a structural gap and had the tools to do something about it.
Why Osiris Infrastructure is behind this.
We build the kind of infrastructure that lets small operations punch above their weight — websites, CRMs, automation, the systems that keep a business running when the owner needs to be doing the actual work. That's exactly what every fund that launches from this model is going to need. We're providing it free. You cover your own costs — domains, third-party services — but the platform doesn't cost you anything.
The money isn't the most important thing here. If a client doesn't want to work with a company that backs constitutional accountability, we didn't want them anyway.
The idea is free. So is the infrastructure to start.
Hand this to everyone you meet.
Download the flyer, print it, and put it in people's hands. Every auditor video comment, every courthouse, every barbershop, every waiting room. The idea spreads person to person faster than any algorithm.
↓ Download FlyerA lot of people will read this who want to do the auditing. They have the demeanor. They know the law. They don't have connections, capital, or a place to start. This section is for them — and for the attorneys and investors who know they want in but don't know who to call.
Every fund that launches needs more than a model. It needs a website, a CRM, intake systems, a way to track cases and manage auditor relationships. Building that from scratch is a barrier that kills good ideas before they start. It shouldn't be.
Free platform access
If you're serious about building a fund, you get a sub-account on our GoHighLevel platform at no charge. You cover any rebilling costs — domains, third-party services — but the platform itself doesn't cost you the standard $99/month. Your fund needs infrastructure. We'll provide it.
A website for your fund
The more sites like fundtheauditor.com operating across the country, the faster this becomes an industry. Each fund needs its own presence — its own jurisdiction, its own auditor roster, its own attorney relationships. We'll help you build it. More sites means more pressure, more settlements, more reform.
Connection to the right people
An auditor without an investor is a great idea without capital. An investor without an auditor is capital without direction. If you submit your information below, we'll do what we can to connect you with the right counterpart — not as a placement service, but as people who want this to work.
This isn't a pitch. There's nothing to sell here. This is a genuine offer from someone who built the model, released it publicly, and wants to see it replicate faster than any one person could scale it alone. The time is available. The infrastructure exists. Use it.
Tell us who you are and where you want to fit in.
No commitment. No pitch. Just a way to find the right people for each other.